Sophie Wilmès and her outgoing
government obtained the confidence vote of the federal parliament on Thursday
with 88 votes against 44. It was a week full of strange images, in which Wilmès
acted in the first place as head of the National Security Council with all
regional governments and many experts in it, just as she did before the
astonishing political events of last weekend. These do not bother the public
opinion, because of the corona-crisis, but have left deep wounds that may never
heal again.
Already on Monday noon it became clear that
the deal announced by the royal negotiators Patrick Dewael and Sabine Laruelle
at 23 hours on Sunday was more shaky than they had presented it. Above all:
nothing seems to have been put on paper. But in the meantime both royal
negotiators had already reported to the king, at 10 am on Monday, and been
dismissed with congratulations. Philip received one hour later Ms. Wilmès. He
nominated her ‘formateur’ of the new government.
The change had already been downgraded by Bart
De Wever, the president of the Flemish nationalist NVA, on the Flemish public
radio that morning. ‘I still do not see what has changed. If Wilmès needed
special powers to combat the corona-virus, no sensible political party would
oppose this. But I do not see any reason to vote the confidence in her minority
government.’ He denied again having demanded that he himself would become prime
minister of a new emergency cabinet.
Later that day Dewael acknowledged that he had
twisted the agreement of Sunday evening a little, and had added the proposal of
a vote of confidence during his press conference. He did so, he said, to avoid
the image of the caretaker government, with only 38 seats in support,
receiving special powers in which parliamentary control would be limited.
Wilmes in the meantime kept her caretaking
government in power, and went with the whole team to the palace to take the
oath on Tuesday morning at 11hours. As usual an official picture of the new
government with the king was taken, but this time with a distance of at least 1
meter between each person, to comply with the government measures against
corona.
Many observers pointed to the fact that of the
13 ministers 10 are liberals, 7 from the French-speaking MR of the prime
minister. With two MR-people in the other three functions that are normally also
appointed during a formation of a federal government – the EC-Commissioner and
the two assembly-presidents – and one for the Flemish liberals, 13 of the 16
functions go to the liberals and 9 (or 56 %) to the MR, a party that commands
only 10 % of the seats in the federal parliament. The distortion is the
consequence of the strange composition of the centre-right government of
Charles Michel in 2014 and of the fact that N-VA left that coalition in 2018.
The three remaining ministers are from the Flemish Christian Democrats, once
the leading party of the country, who do not really feel at ease in this blue ocean of excellencies.
Wilmès made her government speech on Tuesday
afternoon before the plenary of the Chamber, with only the group leaders
present (to avoid too many people in one room). That evening she presided the
National Security Council that announced drastic new measures against corona,
which are almost similar to a lockdown of the whole country. Then, on Thursday
morning, the group leaders held their debate on Wilmès’s declaration, whereby
N-VA announced it would not vote the confidence. In the afternoon, the vote
followed, with the extreme-right Vlaams Belang voting also against, as did the
extreme-left PTB.
Meanwhile the political editors of the media
tried to reconstruct the events of last weekend. In the Flemish media the initiative that started the events on Thursday 12 March was attributed to Conner Rousseau, the young
president of SP.A, the Flemish socialists, who brought De Wever and Paul
Magnette (president of the Parti Socialiste) together to make an emergency
cabinet. In the French-speaking media it was Magnette who took that initiative. Even spinning has a communal twist in Belgium.
The rest of the story is similar in both parts
of the country: Magnette engaged himself fully, then met resistance, first with
the MR (they wanted to keep Wilmès and a significant number of their outgoing
ministers), then with Ecolo (they refused to work with the N-VA), finally with
his own mighty party-federations of Liège and Brussels (also rejecting cooperation with N-VA). And so, at 11am on
Sunday morning, when in Parliament technicians were still negotiating, he came
out on tv with a verbal outburst to annihilate the idea. 'When Magnette takes a turn, it is always with smoking tires', a journalist remarked.
These stories were the
little pleasure of the in-crowd. The public at large was - to say the least - not at all interested,
and concentrating on making the best of the corona-perils. But it is obvious that
the new old government will start to shake as soon as corona calms down and more
political choices about the economic bills will have to be made. Nor can it be
for long then that the Parti Socialiste will tolerate empty-handed a plethora
of ministers from a competing party still considerably smaller than itself.
But the biggest scar may lie with Bart De
Wever and the N-VA: they have incurred, even at the height of a serious crisis,
the non possumus from all
French-speaking parties except maybe the MR, regardless of the fact that they
are still the largest party of the country, with 5 seats more than the PS. The
conclusion there is obvious: that the road to Belgian power – opened five years
ago by Charles Michel without obstruction from king Philip - is henceforth closed
and only Flanders remain a possibility to exercise power.
All to be seen of course when the dust of the
corona-crisis settles down and when will be clear how big the damage is.
The times are too shaky to make stable prognoses.
We interrupt this blog once more, as there is,
after 294 days, again a functioning government in Belgium. But we have a feeling
that we will be back quite soon.